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Metro Manila’s road congestion woes can be solved. But they have been hampered by slow implementation and weak political will.
If you have ever been to Manila lately, chances are you fell victim to its nightmarish traffic. Things are about to get worse unless the Philippine government implements bold and urgent reforms to steer the country away from overly car-centric policies and infrastructure projects.
According to Tomtom, a global traffic index, it took 25.5 minutes on average to travel 10 kilometers in Manila in 2023. This was the longest travel time among 387 metro areas worldwide, and the 50-second increase from 2022 is also the worst jump among all metro areas included in the index. Each day, the estimated cost of traffic in Metro Manila is PHP3.5 billion (about US$60 million), according to a 2018 study by the Japan International Cooperation Agency. With the status quo, this figure is expected to rise to PHP5.4 billion (US$92 million) by 2035.
It is not as if nobody is pushing back. Civil society organisations have become more vocal in the public square since the pandemic, especially those who are clamouring for more infrastructure for active transportation (for example, protected bike lanes).
The problem is that this almost always falls on deaf ears as the national government appears to be stuck with a car-centric mindset. This is reflected in its prioritisation of car-centric policies and infrastructure, which in turn reinforces a vicious cycle. The lack of good public transportation modes is forcing many car owners to rely heavily on their vehicles, further stymieing efforts to reduce car-dependency.
Take, for instance, congestion pricing, which involves charging road users (especially car users) extra fees for accessing high-traffic areas during peak times. Congestion pricing is one of the low-hanging policies that could fix traffic, at least in Metro Manila’s major thoroughfares. The idea is gaining ground in India, Thailand, and Vietnam, but the mere suggestion of it in the Philippines is almost taboo, where costs of living are relatively high compared to many other ASEAN economies. Politicians are also wary of the potential backlash, especially from the country’s car-owning middle class (see Chart 1).
Car-Mad Filipinos
Chart 1: Automobile Sales in the Philippines
For congestion pricing to have any chance of being implemented in the Philippines, the government should carefully explain the policy’s economic and environmental benefits to the people, citing successful models like Singapore. Pilot experiments in high-traffic areas can also help refine proposals and build momentum for broader adoption.
Another potential solution is a comprehensive automobile scrappage programme, which involves removing dilapidated or heavily polluting vehicles from the streets. Even if this is in place, though, it is unlikely to make a dent in congestion so long as demand for new cars continues to be brisk.
Long-term solutions must address past and current administration’s proclivity to include major road projects (such as roads, highways, expressways and bridges) in their flagship infrastructure pipelines. By contrast, efficient public transportation projects — railways and bus rapid transits — are set low on the government’s priority list.
Car-centric infrastructure was ramped up in previous administrations and only continued with the Duterte administration’s “Build Build Build” programme, as well as President Marcos Jr.’s “Build Better More” programme.
Railways are a particularly efficient mode of public transportation that more Filipinos should be relying on. But “right-of-way” issues, or the need to secure land for railway projects, are a major stumbling block. Delays in acquiring necessary properties, as well as court disputes over land ownership, often postpone construction timelines. For instance, the North-South Commuter Railway in Luzon, as well as the Metro Manila Subway Project, have experienced setbacks due to challenges in obtaining right-of-way. In the Philippines, subway projects must secure right-of-way even for land beneath private properties.
Right-of-way challenges can be hurdled if the Philippine government actually enforces Republic Act 10752 (the Right-of-Way Act) to streamline acquisition and initiate early land procurement. Fair compensation and transparent engagement also build trust among affected communities, while simplifying bureaucratic processes could reduce delays and improve agency coordination.
Financing public transportation projects in the Philippines is also constrained by the challenges of balancing Official Development Assistance (ODA) and Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).
… without enough skin in the game, it is doubtful that Filipino politicians would be expected to muster the courage and slay this monster once and for all.
On the one hand, ODA provides concessionary (low-interest) loans and long repayment periods. But ODA loans often come with conditions favouring contractors from donor countries, which can limit competitive bidding and innovation. Such was the case with China-funded infrastructure projects during the Duterte administration. The Philippines is also expected to lose access to concessional financing as soon as it graduates to upper-middle income status.
PPPs mobilise private sector funding and expertise, but tend to result in higher costs due to the need for fatter profit margins and the complexity of risk-sharing arrangements. PPPs also face lengthy procurement processes and regulatory hurdles, thus delaying implementation.
To ease procurement woes, Marcos Jr. recently signed the New Government Procurement Act. But there is a risk of abuse in the law’s “negotiated procurement” modes, which could lead to favoritism or corruption if not tightly regulated. The law is also not tailored to the unique complexities of PPP arrangements, such as risk-sharing or long-term contract management, so its promise could be limited.
Financing problems have compounded under the Marcos Jr. administration. Recently, many have grown gravely concerned about foreign-funded infrastructure projects, which, since 2024, have been relegated to the national budget’s unprogrammed appropriations. This means that the counterpart spending of the Philippine government on these projects — including at least four railways — cannot be funded without surpluses in the public coffers.
Congress chose to prioritise instead “hyperlocal” infrastructure (farm-to-market roads, multipurpose buildings, etc.) in the budget’s programmed appropriations, to boost economic activity, especially in the run-up to elections (otherwise known as political business cycles). The fallout is that many big transportation projects are most likely to be delayed. The Metro Manila Subway, for example, originally slated to open by 2027, will likely be pushed back to the 2030s.
Confidence in the leadership is further eroded by news of politicians using their blaring sirens to speed through heavy traffic along major highways. To compound matters, the same politicians use helicopters to fly above traffic. In January 2024, Marcos Jr. himself drew flak for riding a helicopter to a big arena to watch a Coldplay concert.
There are many paths to fix monstrous traffic not just in Metro Manila but also in regions outside the capital. But without enough skin in the game, it is doubtful that Filipino politicians would be expected to muster the courage to slay this monster once and for all.
2025/12
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