As K-pop has globalized, foreign members have become commonplace—and the most frequent nationality is Japanese. The breakthrough of TWICE, whose lineup includes Japanese members Momo, Mina, and Sana, served as a turning point; after that success, many labels began actively placing Japanese trainees in new groups, and more Japanese hopefuls started heading to Seoul.
Joint audition formats accelerated the flow. Co-produced shows such as ‘PRODUCE 48’ broadened the pipeline, and all-Japanese teams like cosmosy have even debuted and promoted in Korea. At JYP Entertainment, boy group NEXZ has six Japanese members out of seven; the lone Korean, So Geon, also grew up in Japan. While K-pop rosters include many nationalities, Western-passport members are often Korean diaspora, and the recent uptick of Southeast Asian members tends to align with market strategy in those countries. Chinese members are also rising through programs like ‘Boys Planet 2’, but—considering China’s population—their share still feels comparatively small. Outside Korea, Japan is effectively the only case where single-nationality (non-Korean) lineups are operating in Korea as K-pop groups, with cosmosy a current example.
The trend extends beyond idol pop. Through MBN’s ‘Korea–Japan Top Ten Show’, performers such as Uta Gokoro, Riena Sumida, and Aiko Sumida debuted in trot. Mnet’s boy-band competition ‘Steel Heart Club’ features Japanese contestants Masha, Hagiwa, Kei Ten, and Kazuki. Another Mnet series, ‘Unpretty Rapstar: Hip-Hop Princess’, even split Korean and Japanese participant slots evenly.
A veteran operator in Japan’s K-pop business (identified here as A) cites demand first: “It’s popularity—when something’s hot, people flock to it.” He also explains why Japan specifically feeds the pipeline: “Setting aside historical issues, Korea and Japan are the closest neighbors geographically, culturally, and psychologically, so the sense of ‘foreignness’ is lower on both sides. Japan’s population is roughly triple Korea’s, which means a larger talent pool and more applicants.” On China, he notes constraints: “Because of the political environment and Hallyu restrictions, there are many hurdles.“
Aesthetics and systems matter too. “Among young Japanese,” A says, “there’s a strong sense that ‘Korean things are sleek and cool.’ With the 48-group system and the old Johnny’s model dominating for so long, an idol stereotype hardened in Japan. K-pop looks more varied in genre, performance, and visuals, so more Japanese kids aspire to that and apply—pushing them toward Korea.“
There are practical incentives. Korean agencies generally settle earnings through revenue-share, while many Japanese companies still use salary contracts; under a salary, income can be capped even after major success. With K-pop’s worldwide reach, the upside for a hit act is often larger via a Korean label. “Japan’s music market is big,” A says, “but much of it is domestic. For global activity, K-pop has the edge, so working under a Korean company can be more advantageous.“
Japan’s scene is also adapting. The Japan-formed group JO1, launched via the local ‘PRODUCE 101’, operates with K-pop-style music and systems; their annual sales have been reported at about 67 million USD. Girl group HANA is likewise frequently described as heavily K-pop-influenced. According to A, the rise of such acts suggests Japanese stakeholders are tweaking models in part to keep talent from leaving for Korea.
At the same time, A urges steadiness on the Korean side: “On the ground, I sometimes meet people who treat Japan only as a revenue market. We need to keep expanding K-pop’s footprint sincerely. For example, because demand is high, some artists increasingly refuse hi-touch or handshake events without special cause. If that becomes routine, it can hurt K-pop’s overall image. Please keep the basic tone and manners.“
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