Original Coverage & Source Attribution: mickryan.substack.com
It is the Ukrainians who have offered democracies a beacon of light in a world where the forces of authoritarian evil dim our hopes for a better future. The Ukrainians would be the first to admit that they are far from perfect. But they have shown us what right looks like in the 21stcentury, and given us more than we could ever repay.
In a press interview in front of the White House recently, the US President Donald Trump, when questioned about Ukraine, stated that “We’ve given a lot to Ukraine. They’ve given us nothing!” Given this is the view of a semi-literate, quasi-successful real estate developer, one can be forgiven for taking pity on a man with such a limited grasp of world events, American foreign policy – or the truth.
But I thought Trump’s statement was an interesting one. So, as someone who has followed this war closely, visited Ukraine multiple times and developed a deep affection for the people and culture of Ukraine, I thought I would answer Trump’s assertion about Ukraine “giving us nothing”.
A caveat: before I commence, my answers will demonstrate a bias against dictators, something that I wish the person formerly known as “leader of free world” also showed. And second, I know that Trump’s assertion could be answered one of two ways. It could focus on what Ukraine has given democracies since 2022, or what Trump hoped that Ukraine would give to the Trump family. I have chosen the former.
So, what has Ukraine given us?
First, Ukraine has provided the world a multitude of new applications of unmanned systems. The Ukrainians have demonstrated an expanding array of ways to employ uncrewed systems on the land, in the air and at sea that allow for greater protection of human operators and military personnel, and exploitation of more traditional military equipment. This has had the impact of showing us new ways for small and medium sized democracies in Europe and the Pacific to defend themselves humans and allow small nations to defend against big predators.
Second, Ukraine has produced – or produced in collaboration with other nations – this massive range of drones, drone interceptors, long and mid-range strike systems, and digital command and control systems that are at the bleeding edge of military capability. They have established joint ventures to develop, produce and evolve these with multiple democracies in Europe and beyond. The potential for these systems, if produced in sufficient quantities by other democracies, is massive. Not only do they have warfighting utility, but they now are also important components of any national deterrent for preventing wars in the first place. The Ukrainian technologies made a different in Ukraine, and with US forces in the Middle East with the US Corsair and LUCAS drones. Ukraine’s doctrinal and organisational reforms, exemplified by the Unmanned Systems Force that has now been copied by the Pentagon. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen and women well into the future will owe a debt of thanks – and possibly their lives – to what the Ukrainians have done in the past four and a half years.
Third, Ukraine has given us evolved ways of thinking about national resilience in an era of authoritarian predation against small democracies. Very early in the war, Ukraine had to export much of its government and other sovereign data to third countries to protect it from destruction by Russia. Since then, its ability to keep communication networks going to connect its people and tell the world the story of Russian systemic barbarism, have been crucial. But wider efforts to keep police, ambulance, fire, health care, schools, civil defence and emergency services have shown a plucky determination by the Ukrainians to keep their nation functioning, and to protect their citizens, while under the most profound existential threat. At the same time, their capacity to counter Russian misinformation has been critical. With China and Russia eyeing other democracies for absorption, corruption or coercion, this corpus of knowledge about national resilience is a Ukrainian gift to democracies on inestimable value.
Fourth, the Ukrainians have shown us how to learn and adapt in a way that is fit for 21st century modalities in war and national security, not the way we developed during the Cold War and still use. The pace of war, and the speed of learning and adaptation, has been supercharged by Russia’s brutal campaign in Ukraine. The Ukrainians have responded with very rapid models for developing new capabilities and for fast following new Russian technologies and ideas. This has resulted in a 21st century defence industry in Ukraine that is nimble, flexible, dispersed for survivability and highly creative. But this new era learning and adaptation has also, unfortunately, seen Russia, Iran, North Korea and China emulate Ukraine’s adaptation cycles to create an authoritarian learning and adaptation bloc that shares tactical, strategic and political ideas that threaten democracies everywhere. Ukraine is leading that way with how we might respond; we just need to listen to them more.
It is we who owe the Ukrainians, not the reverse.
Fifth, we have also been given a warning by Ukraine. This early warning, a priceless gift enabled by the blood and sacrifice of Ukrainian soldiers and citizens, has – or at least should have – alerted democracies to the overwhelming threat posed by authoritarian aggression, their corrosive misinformation directed at our citizens, their influence over critical supply chains, their systemic spying and huge build-up of military forces to coerce or attack democratic nations. Ukraine has given us time to prepare for this re-emergent threat from the fascists, Nazis and communists that our forefathers fought to contain or destroy last century. In many respects, democracies have paid insufficient heed to this warning. But Ukraine has warned us, nonetheless. They are, as a friend of mine has stated, a “shield wall” against barbarians. We need to better utilise the time Ukraine has given us to ensure our own shield walls are in place.
Sixth, Ukraine has blown open the myth of authoritarian power. While countries like Russia and China do have real strengths like their nuclear weapons and their large military forces, they also have major weaknesses. These weaknesses, such as endemic corruption, centralised and unimaginative governance and strategy, a lack of empathy for humans beyond the regime leadership and inability to offer an inspiring vision for the future of humankind, are targetable by democracies. Authoritarians bully us because we allow them to. Ukraine has shown us this since 2022 that it is possible to stand up against the bullies, and has allowed us to see just how much of Putin and Xi’s perceived power is built on bluff and bluster. American and European nations used to understand this. We need to demonstrate again that these petty dictators cannot bluff our politicians and citizens, and Ukraine has shown us the way to do so.
Finally, the Ukrainians, led by funny yet inexperienced comedian as President, have provided weary and sometimes exhausted citizens of polarised, older democracies with a reinvigorated view of how precious democracy is. Democracy is far from the natural state in human affairs, and its development over centuries has been one of humankind’s greatest achievements. But because it is not a naturally occurring feature, and because it is hard to sustain without effort, it must be defended from the threats that occur within and from without. The Ukrainians have shown us the way in this regard.
They have shown the free will of a people in a young democracy who deeply treasure their culture, history – and their democracy. The Ukrainians have demonstrated boundless courage – on the battlefield and in defending their cities and their society – and provided an exemplar of why democracy matters and why it must be defended. And at the same time, they have fought the forces of evil within, targeting corruption and other malign influences within their own society. If Ukraine can focus on societal cohesion, reducing misinformation and strengthening civil society under the pressures of war, what excuse do the rest of us have for our current lethargy in regard to these important aspects of democratic protection?
It is difficult in a short piece to answer in full the question of “what has Ukraine done for us?” This young and vibrant democracy, chock full of creative, proud people, has given the world a plethora of gifts that have strengthened us and inspired us since the first Russians commenced their campaign of looting, murder, torture and rape in February 2022.
It is we who owe the Ukrainians, not the reverse. It is the Ukrainians who have offered democracies a beacon of light in a world where the forces of authoritarian evil dim our hopes for a better future. The Ukrainians would be the first to admit that they are far from perfect. But they have shown us what right looks like in the 21stcentury, and given us more than we could ever repay. But repay them we must, with more military, intelligence, financial and diplomatic support to defeat Russia.
I only hope that more of our political leaders and citizens come to realise our debt to Ukraine, and the imperative to step and help them more. The forces of darkness, the techno-authoritarians in Beijing, Moscow, Tehran and Ponyang, are watching. Xi, Putin and others of their kind want many things, but perhaps nothing more than to pitilessly extinguish the kind of hope for a better future that Ukraine has shown us.
Note: At the same time that Trump was demonstrating his admiration for Putin and Kim Jong Un, Russia launched another salvo of ballistic missiles and drones against a medical clinic, a school, a metro station, and ordinary residential buildings in Ukraine. They also murdered a mother and child along with four other people in a park. They are the latest victims in Russia’s deliberate campaign of terror against Ukrainian civilians.
